Retention and Promotion of Male and Female Faculty members at
UIUC
Jane W. Loeb and Susan Greendorfer
In the early 1990s, the Chancellor's Committee on the Status of Women
(CCSW) at UIUC asked to review existing data on the progression of
women and men through the faculty ranks on the Urbana campus. This
study was motivated by an informal observation that the campus,
similar to higher education in general, seems to make noticeably
better and faster progress in hiring women at the entry level than in
"integrating " the senior ranks by gender. This observation suggests
that women may be leaving the campus and/or higher education more
frequently than men, or that women may experience a lower rate or a
slower speed of promotion through the academic ranks. It seems this
local observation is quite reflective of the literature on gender
differences in academic progress and rewards. In his early evaluation
of the equity of academic recognition and rewards accorded to men and
women, Jonathan Cole (1979) found that female faculty in biology,
chemistry, psychology, and sociology held significantly lower
academic rank than did males after controlling for publications and
citations. Further, discrepancies in rank tended to be worse in more
prestigious departments (Cole, 1979; Long, Allison, & McGinnis,
1993; Sonnert, 1995). Similarly, in their study comparing the rank
distributions of men and women over time, Bentley and Blackburn
(1992) found no evidence of improvement, concluding, "the revolving
door is still spinning"(p. 701).
In the initial faculty retention study performed for CCSW Loeb (1991)
traced the later rank of faculty hired between Fall 1976 and Fall
1985 as assistant professors as well as those hired or promoted to
the rank of associate professor during the same years. In order to
control for possible differences among disciplines, equal numbers of
men and women were selected for study from the departments that had
hired or promoted individuals of both sexes during the study period.
The overall retention rates of men and women were very similar, as
was their progress through the ranks. Where differences were found,
men were favored. However, the differences were not significant,
which suggested that these differences might not be stable if the
study were repeated on another cohort.
In the late 1990s, the UIUC Chancellor's Committee on the Status of
Women asked for an update and extension of this initial study in
order to see whether or not the small differences that favored men
were persistent over time and to permit a longer term follow up of
the associate professor cohort in order to assess the final,
long-term rank attained by these men and women. Additional purposes
of this updated study were to collect survey data from faculty who
left the campus and to investigate their perceptions of the working
conditions and climate they experienced while at UIUC. The data
provided here represent an analysis of the results of this extended
study and present comparable analyses from the earlier study for
comparison.
Method
Samples and Institutional Data: The initial study involved two groups
of faculty. An assistant professor cohort consisted of most female
faculty members who were first hired as assistant professors between
Fall, 1976 and Fall, 1985. This time period allowed for the
completion of the six-year probationary period by the end of Spring,
1991 for those hired in Fall of 1985. For each female assistant
professor, a male was randomly selected from among those hired as
assistant professor in the same department during the same time
period. The associate professor cohort consisted of faculty hired as
or promoted to associate professor during the same ten-year period,
Fall 1976 through Fall 1985. Men were randomly selected from among
those new associate professors in the same departments as the women,
parallel to the sampling process used for assistant professors. Data
concerning degree date, experience prior to UIUC hire, initial tenure
code, progression through the ranks, leaves taken, death, resignation
or retirement, were collected from campus personnel records. Except
for tenure status of assistant professors, data were traced through
June 21, 1991. Tenure status of assistant professors was checked as
late as August 21, 1991 in order to capture tenure decisions made
during the 1990-1991academic year.
For the current study, the same method was used to define a new
cohort of assistant professors hired from Fall 1986 through Fall
1992. Both these assistant professors and the initial group of
associate professors were followed through the 1998-99 academic year.
The full set of information was captured from campus records as
before, with one exception. The fact of death, resignation or
retirement had been recorded in the typewritten cumulative personnel
record that was discontinued recently without replacement. Thus,
information concerning death, retirement and resignation during
recent years was gleaned from the Payroll File and was available for
very few of the faculty members who left the Urbana campus. Since
some members of the associate professor cohort are now old enough to
be experiencing death or retirement, it is a methodological weakness
that we were unable to correct, as we could not ascertain which and
how many of these faculty who recently left UIUC had died or
retired.
Follow-up Survey: A questionnaire was designed to probe perceptions
of: (a) the support provided for research and teaching, (b) the
department's evaluation of the individual's research and how it
compared to the individual's salary and his or her own perceptions of
research productivity; (c) teaching and service loads, (d) the kind,
usefulness and frequency of feedback received on progress toward
promotion, tenure, and career success, (e) reasons for leaving; the
work environment, and (f) information about the person's current job.
For the open-ended questions pertaining to reasons that might have
contributed to leaving UIUC, categories of types of reasons were
developed by reading responses to the questionnaire that is regularly
sent by the Office of Instructional Resources to those faculty
leaving UIUC for other jobs whose departure is seen by their
departments as a loss.
A search of the literature on perceptions of the work environment for
female faculty revealed the availability of an Academic Work
Environment Scale for Women (AWESW), a questionnaire that was
designed and tested at UIC (Riger, Stokes, Raja, and Sullivan, 1997;
Stokes, Riger, and Sullivan, 1995). Riger et al. (1997) developed a
scale with 35 items and a short-form containing 13 items. Principal
components analysis of the 35 items suggested three dimensions, of
which the first was dominant and seemed to be a general measure of
departmental climate for women. The short form had a coefficient
alpha of .94, and a correlation of .97 with the long form. The short
form of the AWESW was included in the follow-up questionnaire sent to
members of the assistant and associate professor samples who left
UIUC.
The follow-up survey was piloted on a small group of UIUC faculty of
mixed rank and gender. After making editing changes and corrections,
the final form was then mailed, in September of 1999, to faculty who
had left the campus. Follow-up postcards were sent to non-respondents
in November, 1999. Addresses for this mailing were found in a
general, national faculty directory, various disciplinary
directories, and through other resources. These included UIUC
department and personal contacts, as well as looking for recent
publications by individuals to find out their institutional
affiliation and then checking the web page for that institution.
The population that was surveyed included all members of the
assistant and associate professor samples who had left UIUC and were
not known to have retired or died. Of the associate professors who
had left, there were 50 males and 52 females. From these numbers, two
males and 14 females were known to have died or retired, yielding
populations of 48 males and 38 females. Of these, no functional
address was available for 10 men and 7 women. Thus, the 19 responses
received from men and 19 from women represent 50% and 61%,
respectively, of men and women with addresses (or 40% and 50% of the
entire population). In addition, 14 female faculty members were
surveyed who were in the initial 1991 sample of newly hired or
promoted associate professors but had been dropped due to lack of a
male hired or promoted in the same department during the same time
period. They were included in the hope that their results could shed
light on potential response bias in the initial sampling.
Unfortunately, only 8 had useable addresses. Six of these responded,
too few for the intended use. However, since the balance between the
male and female groups within the same department had essentially
disappeared through attrition (due either to no address or
non-response), these six responses were included with the others in
the analysis.
Of the assistant professor sample, 77 men and 73 women had left UIUC,
and none were known to have died or retired. No functional address
was found for 16 men and 10 women, leaving 61 and 63, respectively,
to be surveyed. Of these, 25 men and 21 women responded, yielding
response rates of 41% and 33%, respectively, of those who are
believed to have received surveys. (These are 32% and 29% of the full
group of assistant professors who left UIUC.)
Results
Institutional Data. Table 1 indicates that UIUC has hired
considerably more women assistant professors in the 1986-92 period
(37.4% of all new assistant professors) than during the 1976-1985
period (19.9%). From one-half to three-quarters of the campus's newly
hired or promoted assistant and associate professors are represented
in these three groups.
Table 2 indicates that overall about one-half of assistant professors
achieve tenure. This table also displays small but consistent
differences in rates of tenure attainment favoring men. With 9% and
6% more male than female assistant professors achieving tenure in the
two time periods, the overall difference of 7% is statistically
significant at the one-tailed .05 level.
Table 3 indicates that approximately half of the two groups of
assistant professors remained employed by UIUC in Fall of 1990 or
Fall of 1998. There is no consistent gender difference in retention.
Table 4 indicates the final academic ranks achieved by these men and
women who were retained and shows a small but consistent tendency for
women to be over-represented in the lower ranks and not to have
achieved the rank of associate professor or higher.
Table 5 tallies the final rank held for faculty hired as assistant
professor who had left UIUC by the end of the study period. A
consistent tendency for women to leave at lower ranks than men is
seen both in the frequencies and in the mean rank, where the mean is
based on arbitrary codes of 1, 2, and 3 for the three ranks and on
the assumption of equal intervals between ranks. For the two cohorts
combined, the difference in mean ranks is significant at the
two-tailed .05 level.
In Table 6, the same data are displayed for all assistant professors
in the two cohorts. Again, there is a small but consistent tendency
for women to hold lower ranks, and the difference in mean ranks for
the combined groups is significant at the one-tailed .05 level.
Table 7 indicates how many men and women left before the tenure
decision (tenure code of 1 through 5) after denial of tenure (tenure
code of 6 and T), or after achieving tenure (tenure code of A). (It
is assumed here that individuals who leave after serving at tenure
code 6 have left after denial of tenure, but before the award of a T
contract.) Consistently, men and women who leave UIUC have
experienced denial of tenure at the same rate, but women are more
likely to leave before the decision while men are more likely to
leave after a favorable decision. For the combined groups, the
distributions are significantly different at the two-tailed .05
level.
Tables 8 through 11 describe the associate professor cohort. Table 8
indicates that the number of women achieving full professor status is
larger than the number of men, although the difference is not
significant. The mean number of years at the associate professor rank
favors men, at 6.83 vs. 7.10 years, but the difference does not
approach significance.
Table 9 indicates that the number of men and women in this group who
were still employed in tenured positions at UIUC in 1998-99 was
nearly identical. (Only tenured positions were counted here in order
to exclude as retained several individuals who were hired back onto
non-tenure-track jobs after retirement.)
Tables 10 and 11 indicate the highest rank achieved by those who were
still tenured at UIUC in 1998 (Table 10) and those who had left
(Table 11). Of those who were still here in 1998, fewer women than
men were full professors, but the difference was not significant. The
reverse was true of those who had left: more women than men were full
professors. While the overall loss is about the same for men and
women, it was more common for men to leave as associate and for women
to leave as full professors.
Follow-up Survey. Research. Table 12 displays the final tenure codes
of male and female assistant professors who returned the follow-up
survey, and indicate a significant difference in the distributions.
Although very similar proportions of men and women left while on
tenure code 1 through 5, it appears that more women left on terminal
status while more men left after receiving tenure. Thus, one would
expect the women on the average to report less positive experiences
than do the men. Interpretation of the results must take this
important gender difference into account. To control for the effect
that failure to achieve tenure might have on the results, partial
correlations between gender and other variables were calculated with
this variable (1=final tenure of 6, T; 0=other) partial led out.
Table 13 describes the assistant professors' views of the research
support they received. Although the findings indicate that all
differences favor men (that is, men report greater support), most do
not approach significance at the .05 level. The one exception is
found in the "equipment support" category. The average level of
support in the form of equipment reported by men is significantly
higher than that reported by women. In an absolute sense, neither
group reports strong support, as almost all means for men are close
to "3", the midpoint between "none " and "all I needed", while the
women's means are mainly a bit below _3". Perceptions of research
support seem likely to be associated with one's final tenure status,
either as a result of a real difference between support received by
those that did and did not achieve tenure or possibly as a result of
a tendency to blame the department for the failure to achieve tenure.
However, the difference between men's and women's perceptions of
their equipment support remained significant when termination was
partialled out. In addition, the difference between the two groups in
average rating of research support received came close to
significance at p=.06.
As seen in Table 14, both men and women displayed a tendency to
believe that research support was more readily available to tenured
than to untenured faculty. Men generally thought support was more
readily available than did women, but the difference was significant
only in their answers concerning its availability to tenured faculty.
This difference remained significant after terminal status was
partialled out. The number of "don't know" responses was also
tallied, in the belief that women might be less knowledgeable, on the
average, than men concerning the way things work and what they might
expect in the way of support. Women averaged more "don't know "
responses than men, but the difference was not significant.
Table 15 details the respondents' perceptions of their relative
standing within the department on research support, research
productivity, final salary, and departmental evaluation of their
research. For these scales, responses indicated the individual's
perception of his or her position within the department, broken into
top 20%, next 20%, middle 20%, etc. For example, a person who
believed her productivity was in the top 20% would respond "5". Both
groups viewed the research support they received as a bit below the
midpoint for the department, based on means below 3.0 (where 3 is
defined as support in the middle 20%). On the other hand, both groups
saw their productivity as above the midpoint, with men reporting
significantly higher self--perceived productivity than did women.
Even though they had perceptions of above average productivity, both
groups reported that their final salaries were below the middle 20%,
with means of 1.7 and 2.2, respectively, for women and men. The
question did not ask for a ranking of salary relative to others of
the same rank, however, which could account for this result.
Asked to describe the department's evaluation of the individual's
research endeavors compared to others, men described themselves as
considerably more highly ranked than did women, with means of 4.0 and
2.8, respectively, a significant difference. Both of the significant
differences between men and women (department evaluation and
self-perception of productivity) remained after terminal status was
partialled out. Thus, it seems that these male respondents saw
themselves as more productive and as evaluated more highly on their
research than did the female respondents, even after the difference
in proportion on terminal status was taken into account. In addition,
men gave slightly more "don't know" responses than did women, but the
difference was not significant.
The findings reported in Table 15 suggested a comparison of
individual's perceptions of their research productivity to their
perception of their relative salary standing, on the one hand, and
their perception of the department's evaluation of their research on
the other. Difference scores were calculated for all individuals, and
Table 16 portrays the mean of the difference between the individual's
perceptions of his or her productivity and his or her relative
salary, and the mean of the difference between self-perception of
one's relative productivity and the department's evaluation of that
productivity. Sex differences were negligible on either variable, so
men and women were combined to see whether on the average they felt
their relative productivity exceeded their relative salary, and/or
whether their relative productivity exceeded the department's
evaluation of it. The combined mean difference between individuals'
perceptions of productivity and salary standing was 1.583, t=6.589,
p<.001. For these 36 individuals, self-rating of productivity
significantly exceeded salary standing. This could be a result of
their junior standing in their departments, itself normally
predictive of relatively low salary standing. The difference between
self and department's evaluation of research did not differ from
zero, with a mean of .321, t=1.302, p=.204. These men and women did
not believe, on the average, that their departments under- (or over-)
valued their research.
Table 17 shows that men and women did not differ significantly in
their tendency to indicate that the department's evaluation of their
research was a factor in their decision to leave UIUC. On the other
hand, men (with a mean of 3.0) were neutral about whether the UJUC
climate or work environment helped or hindered their productivity,
while women (with a mean of 1.8) reported that it hindered them. This
difference was significant, and the significance remained after
terminal status was partialled out. Thus we see the suggestion of a
less comfortable or supportive environment for women than for
men.
Tables 18-22 summarize results for associate professors that parallel
the assistant professor analyses of Tables 13-17. Table 18 indicates
very small differences between men and women in their reports of
research support received. In Table 19 we see that all differences in
perceptions of research support availability favor men, including the
number of "don't knows", which is lower for men than women. But
again, none of the differences achieves significance at the
two-tailed .05 level. In Table 20 there is no tendency for responses
to favor either sex, and none of the differences is significant. This
table indicates that unlike the assistant professors, both men and
women saw the research support they received as above the midpoint
for the department, based on means of 3.5 and 3.6 (where 3 is defined
as support in the middle 20%). Similar to the assistant professors,
the proportion of "don't know" responses is quite low, and although
men used this response a bit more frequently than women, the
difference was not significant.
Both gender groups saw their productivity as considerably above the
midpoint, with women reporting slightly higher self-perceived
productivity than did men at 4.5 and 4.4, respectively. Neither of
these small differences is significant, of course. With well above
average productivity, both groups nonetheless reported that their
final salaries were only somewhat above the middle 20%, with means of
3.6 and 3.1 for women and men, respectively. This finding suggests
the possibility that disgruntlement over salary may have played a
role in some of their decisions to leave. Women report somewhat lower
departmental- than self-evaluations of their research, at 3.9 and
4.5. For men, the two evaluations are essentially equal with a mean
departmental evaluation of 4.5 and self-evaluation mean of 4.4.
As one would expect from the results in Table 20, Table 21 indicates
that both men and women report sizeable differences between their
self-evaluations of relative research productivity and final salary
relative to others. Since the means of 1.0 for women and 1.4 for men
are not significantly different, the data were pooled to test the
hypothesis that the population value of this difference is zero. The
combined mean difference was 1.156, t=5.3 57, p<.00l. There is a
significant difference between these former associate professors'
ranking of their own research productivity and their own salary,
again suggesting a possible reason for their having left UIUC.
Concerning the difference between their own and their departments'
evaluations of their research, the men and women have different
views. The women's mean for this difference is .7 and the men's is
-.1. For each gender group, the hypothesis that the population mean
for this difference is zero was tested. For women, t=3.571, p<.0l.
For men, t=-1.468, p=.l64. Thus, is seems that for women (but not for
men) the self-evaluation tends to be higher than the perceived
departmental evaluation of research. This finding suggests an
additional reason for the attrition of women from the ranks and one
that does not seem to apply, on the average, to men. Interestingly,
however, Table 22 demonstrates that neither men nor women rate the
department's evaluation of their research productivity as a
particularly important factor in leaving. The mean difference between
women and men, 2.4 to 1.9, is not significant. Similarly, and unlike
the assistant professors, both men and women were faintly positive
about the UIUC climate/work environment, with means of 3.3 for both
groups.
Qualitative results. Survey respondents were also asked "Are there
other kinds of support you think your department should have provided
to facilitate your productivity?" Thirteen women's and fourteen men's
responses were categorized into: (a) requests for release time; (b)
various direct supports such as equipment, cash, space, etc.; (c)
collaboration, colleagueship, or mentoring; (d) administrative
issues; and (e) positive statements that no other support should have
been provided. Assistant professor results are listed in Table 23.
Given the low number of responses in each category, it is difficult
to discern patterns. However, it appears that responses for men and
women are not very different. The administrative category included
complaints that the department head was "unscrupulous and ambitious",
that "honesty" was needed, and "Could have showed some interest in my
existence--I was hired by a different administration than the one I
worked under--new administration had different goals. I felt lost in
the shuffle." Additional administrative issues included "I was given
no feedback on or evaluation of my research productivity;"
"Consistency in leadership/structure", and "mentoring, supportive,
non-vindictive." Table 24 shows similar responses from the associate
professors, but with fewer requests for more support, a few more
positive statements that nothing else was needed, and no complaints
about administrative issues.
Follow-up Survey. Teaching and Service. Tables 25-28 outline
responses of assistant professors to questions about teaching loads
and support and about service activities. As seen in Table 25,
women's and men's reported teaching loads were virtually identical,
at 3.2 and 3.1 courses per year, respectively. In addition, both
groups reported a slight tendency for their loads to increase after
the first year, while both rated their own loads as a bit above the
middle 20% for their departments, at 3.6 and 3.5. None of these very
small gender differences approached statistical significance.
Table 26 summarizes support provided for teaching, with all
differences favoring men. Both gender groups rated support received
for teaching at about the 3.0 midpoint of the scale or lower. But for
TAs, secretarial help, equipment, and the average rating, women's
means were below the midpoint while men's means were a bit above it.
For graders and professional development, both groups' means were
below the midpoint. The gender difference was significant for
graders, with women averaging 1.2 and men averaging 2.7. This
difference remained significant after terminal status was partialled
out. For professional development, the gender difference was 1.9 to
2.5, which was not significant.
Table 27 indicates that for men but not women, support for teaching
may have declined after the first few years, with means of 3.4 during
the first years and 2.9 afterwards. For women, the means were the
same for both periods of time (first few years and after the first
few years), 2.6 and 2.6. Neither difference between men and women was
significant; although once again, women rated availability of support
during the first few years as below the scale midpoint (2.6), while
men rated it a bit above the midpoint during that time period
(3.4).
Table 28 shows that men and women were virtually identical in their
reports of undergraduate advising loads, with both groups reporting
they were in the middle 20% of the department at 2.9 and 3.1,
respectively. The small gender difference was reversed for graduate
advising, at 3.3 for men and 2.8 for women. Neither difference was
significant. Finally, women reported a larger number of committee
assignments per year at 4.6 compared to men's 4.0; again, this
difference was not close to significant.
Tables 29 through 32 provide the same information for associate
professors. No gender difference in Table 29 is significant. Unlike
the assistant professors, women of higher rank indicate a somewhat
higher course load than men, at 3.8 vs. 3.2 courses per year. There
is also a tendency for women to indicate their course loads went down
after the first year, and for men to indicate theirs went up.
Finally, women rate their own teaching load as slightly above the
midpoint of the scale, 3.3, while men rate theirs at 2.9. In contrast
to the assistant professors (see Table 26), most of the very small
differences between male and female associates favor women. Most
means are close to 3.0, with professional development the only
exception for both sexes. Women have a mean of 2.6 and men a mean of
2.3. No gender difference approaches significance.
Table 31 summarizes responses concerning availability of teaching
support and indicates that neither gender group reported a change
from the first few years at UIUC to later years at UIUC. On both
variables, men and women had means close to 3.0, and the small gender
differences were not significant. In Table 32, women's mean position
with respect to relative undergraduate advising load is about average
(3.2), and men_s is somewhat lower, at 2.5. Women's and men's means
are virtually identical for graduate advising and are somewhat above
the midpoint at 3.7 and 3.6, respectively. Committee assignments seem
heavy, at 6.2 for women and 5.5 for men. None of these differences in
reported load is significant, however.
Qualitative results. Table 33 summarizes the categories of responses
former assistant and associate professors made to the question, "What
other kinds of support should your department have provided for
teaching?" Only three associate professors responded to this
question, so their responses are summarized by parenthetical entries
in the table containing the assistant professors' responses.
Requests for more thoughtful course or load assignments included
complaints about: (a) extensive program responsibilities, (b)
inadequate credit awarded for an intensive clinical training course,
(c) suggestions that junior faculty should not be alone in teaching
large undergraduate courses, (d) that junior faculty should be given
a grad seminar course, and (e) that consistent assignment of courses
to gain expertise rather than assignment of courses not selected by
senior faculty would be helpful. Complaints about administrative
support included: (a) that it was unavailable, (b) that the head was
not interested in teaching, (c) that the department provided no help
with the serious administrative details of organizing and supervising
a particular course, and (e) that teaching was not valued as highly
as scholarship and as such received minimal support or reward. Ideas
about development of teaching included: (a) the suggestion of a
mentoring program, (b) more sharing of ideas and experiences with
colleagues, and (c) co-teaching with experienced senior faculty for
new teachers.
Tables 34-37 present assistant professors' responses to questions
concerning feedback, mentoring, and the work environment they
experienced at UIUC. Although Table 34 indicates that about half of
the women and two-thirds of the men had mentors, this difference is
not significant. Both groups reported having an average of about one
mentor while at UIUC. Table 35 compares experiences with annual
reports and attendant feedback and indicates that no gender
difference was significant at the .05 level. Most respondents
believed tenured faculty were required to submit annual reports (58%
of women and 67% of men), and even more believed that non-tenured
faculty must do so (80% of women and 71% of men). More women than men
(90% and 69%) who responded either "yes" or "no" believed the annual
report was a part of their evaluation for merit raises. At the same
time more women (50%) than men (30%) indicated that they did not know
whether or not the annual report was used for this purpose. While
about two-thirds of all assistant professor respondents said they
usually received written feedback and 69% of women and 89% of men
said they were provided oral feedback about the annual report, 17% of
women and 11% of men said they usually received no feedback. Asked to
rate the feedback in terms of usefulness, with 5 being "very useful"
and 1 being "not at all useful," both men and women saw the feedback
concerning the department's demands for tenure or promotion as rather
modestly useful, with means of 2.4 for women and 2.7 for men.
Similarly, women's mean rating of the usefulness of the feedback
concerning the department's perception of their research activities
was 2.6 compared to men's mean of 2.9. Both women and men reported
receiving more feedback in their current job (5=much more, 1=much
less) than at UIUC, with means of 4.0 and 3.8, respectively. Since
their means did not differ, men's and women's responses were pooled
to test whether the combined population means on these items were
simply equal to 3, the midpoint of the scale. The combined means were
2.575 for usefulness of feedback in learning about departmental
demands for tenure and promotion, 2.718 for usefulness of feedback in
learning about the department's perception of one's research
activities, and 3.900 for how much more (or less) feedback is
received on the current job is than at UIUC. Only for the last of
these did the population mean appear to be other than 3.0
(p<.001). The 95% confidence interval for the population mean for
extent to which feedback on current job exceeds that of feedback at
UIUC was 3.48 to 4.32. It seems that feedback on the current job is
more plentiful than that received at UIUC.
Table 36 provides information about these faculty members'
experiences with a third year or other formal pre-tenure review at
UIUC. Most (76% of female and 58% of male assistant professors) had
such a review. Most of those responding "yes" or "no" indicated they
received written (100% for women, 75% for men) and oral (77% and 92%,
respectively) feedback. The difference between men and women in the
proportion receiving written feedback was significant at the .05
level, and this difference was still significant after terminal
status had been partialled out. Thus, more women than men were given
written feedback, and this difference was not due only to differences
in treatment that could be explained by terminal status (e.g., the
department needing to document the person's shortcomings in order to
support a later termination seen as likely). No women indicated they
received no feedback, although 18% of the men said they received
none. Men's ratings of how well the feedback helped them to
understand their progress toward promotion and tenure were lower than
women's ratings, at 3.6 vs. 2.7, respectively (where 5=not at all
well and 1=very well). This difference was close to significance,
with p=.067. Similarly, women rated the review and feedback at the
middle of the scale (3.0) in terms of how well it helped them
understand what they needed to do to improve their chances for
promotion and tenure, while men's ratings were less positive (3.5).
This difference did not reach significance at the .05 level,
however.
Table 37 shows that men were less hindered by family responsibilities
than were women at 4.2 compared to 3.4 (with 1=greatly hindered and
5=not hindered at all). This difference was not significant, however.
Asked whether there are ways UIUC should help lessen work-family
conflict, 80% of women and 40% of men said yes. This difference
approached significance with p=.074.
Tables 38-40 compare the responses of male and female associate
professors on the same questions concerning mentoring, annual reports
and feedback, and the work environment. No questions about the third
year review were asked of this group. The proportions that had
mentors while at UIUC were 76% of the female associate and 65% of the
male associate professors. The percentages of associates who reported
having mentors are similar to those of the assistant professors, at
52% and 67%, but if anything the female associates may have had a
somewhat more positive experience in this regard than did the female
assistant professors. Male associate professors reported somewhat
more mentors, at 2.7 on the average compared to 1.7 for females, but
this difference was not significant.
Table 39 details the associate professors' experiences with annual
reports and feedback. There were no significant gender differences in
any of these items. Most men (75%) and women (78%) reported that
annual reports were required for tenured faculty and also for
non-tenured faculty at 75% and 76%, respectively. Almost all of those
responding _yes_ or _no_ indicated that the annual report was a part
of their evaluation for merit raises, with 86% of men and 93% of
women so reporting. Yet 29% of female associate professors and 18% of
male associate professors indicated they didn't know whether or not
it was used for this purpose. Of those responding _yes_ or _no__to
questions regarding written and oral feedback, 43% of women and 70%
of men indicated they usually received written feedback, while 57%
and 55% indicated they usually received oral feedback. Another 25% of
women and 17% of men indicated that no feedback was usually received.
Both sexes found the feedback moderately useful with respect to
demands for tenure or promotion, at 3.0 for women and 3.3 for men. It
was a bit more useful with respect to the department's perceptions of
the individual's research activities, as the mean for each group was
3.6. Both groups tended to receive more feedback on their current
jobs than at UIUC, with means of 3.8 for women and 3.6 for men. Since
the sexes did not differ, men's and women's responses were pooled to
test whether the combined population means on these items were simply
equal to 3, the midpoint of the scale. The combined means were 3.196
for usefulness of feedback in learning about departmental demands for
tenure and promotion, 3.586 for usefulness of feedback in learning
about the department's perception of one's research activities, and
3.700 for how much more feedback they received on the current job
than received at UIUC. The population mean of usefulness of feedback
for understanding promotion requirements was not significantly
different from 3.0. However, its mean usefulness with respect to
departmental perceptions of the person's research activities was
significantly higher than 3.0, p<.05. Also, these individuals
reported receiving significantly more feedback on the current job
than at UIUC, p<.001. The 95% confidence interval for the
population mean usefulness of feedback relative to one's research is
3.1 to 4.1. For quantity of feedback on current job versus their UIUC
position, the comparable interval is 3.3 to 4.1.
Table 40 indicates that neither gender group was hindered very much
by family responsibilities, with means of 4.0 and 4.1 for women and
men, respectively. Forty-four percent of the female and 25% of the
male associate professors indicated there are ways that UIUC should
help lessen family-work conflicts. Neither difference is significant
for the associate professors. It appears that the former assistant
professors are more likely than the associates to believe there are
ways UIUC should help lessen family work conflicts (at 80% and 40% of
the women and men, respectively).
Qualitative results. Several open-ended questions related to feedback
and mentoring and the work environment. All respondents were asked
how their departments helped them understand the nature and extent of
the requirements for tenure, promotion, and career success. Those who
indicated they had a colleague or friend they could call a mentor
were also asked to describe what these individuals did to foster
their career development. Both assistant and associate professors
were asked to comment on how the feedback they received could have
been more useful, and assistant professors were asked how they
thought their pre-tenure review and feedback could have been more
useful. Finally, those assistant and associate professors who
indicated there are ways that UIUC should help lessen work-family
conflict were asked to comment further. Results are presented in
Tables 41-49.
Tables 41 and 42 contain the categories into which responses of
assistant and associate professors were grouped when asked about ways
their departments helped them understand the requirements for
promotion and tenure and career success. A third of the men and half
of the women indicated that the department did not help them at all
or did a poor job of helping them understand requirements. Several
women indicated that, when given, such help was delayed in coming.
Most respondents mentioned formal methods of communication, such as
annual reviews, third year review, or conversations with an
administrator (head or dean), while only a few mentioned informal
means. Fewer associate professors indicated that they received no
such information or that its quality was poor; however, the numbers
were still not zero. Several pointed out they had been tenured, or
virtually tenured, upon arrival. Unlike the assistant professors who
spoke mainly of formal methods of communication, both male and female
associate professors mentioned informal as well as formal means of
communication. This was particularly the case for female associate
professors. Perhaps, as a rule, informal networks are more open to
more senior people and, as a result, assistant professors tend not to
receive this sort of help. It is also possible that methods of
communication have become more formal over time.
Several respondents, mainly assistant professors, mentioned problems
associated with the communication of expectations. These problems
included standards that varied within the college or between the
department and the campus committee, and standards that shifted over
time. For example, one person responded, "Didn't. Mostly by rumor.
Constantly changed and was interpreted differently by different
individuals or groups. Seen as mysterious and political." Several
individuals commented that there were two sets of rules, the written
ones and the unstated ones (e.g., "They made the written rules and
tenure codes clear. The unstated rules and emphasis, however, were
not really made clear--additionally I think they changed over time,
and changed with department heads"). In contrast, among the assistant
professors who seemed satisfied with their departments' communication
of expectations, comments included the following: (a) "Department
head sat me in his office and told me directly. There was no mystery
about what the criteria were by which I would be judged"; (b) "Yearly
feedback plus mid-tenure track review"; (c) "Meetings for new faculty
to review P & T procedures"; (d) "1. Yearly personal meeting with
department. head. 2. Yearly informational meeting conducted by dept.
head and attended by all untenured (tenure-track) faculty"; (e)
"Department sponsored _brown bag' lunches for untenured faculty.
Individuals received support from their P & T advisors (an
appointed committee of 2 tenured faculty). Yearly evaluation meetings
with department chair." Given these comments, it appears that
departments vary considerably in how they handle the communication of
expectations and tenure requirements to new assistant professors.
Tables 43 and 44 provide a categorization of male and female
assistant and associate professors' responses relative to what their
mentors did to help them. Many respondents at both ranks wrote of
general encouragement, support, or advice. Some respondents,
especially associate professors indicated that they received "open
support in the department". "Checking progress toward promotion and
making sure that the requirements were understood" was mentioned by
assistant professors, especially by men. Both assistant and associate
professors mentioned "help making contacts". Other responses by both
assistant and associate professors included reviewing manuscripts and
collaborating on research.
Tables 45 and 46 contain comments suggesting ways that feedback on
annual reports could be made more useful. Several associate
professors indicated that the feedback received was fine; but several
other associate professors, along with some female assistant
professors, indicated it would have been more useful if there had
been some feedback. Some assistant and associate professors, but
particularly the assistants, described the feedback as too general,
or as mechanical. Respondents also suggested that feedback could have
been "more positive, less negative" and "the type that would help the
individual develop their career." A few others commented that they
received feedback primarily about their job but not their research
(librarians), or that they received feedback as a faculty member but
not as an administrator. Importantly, some assistant professors
stated that feedback would be more useful if linked to promotion and
tenure progress or standards, suggesting that for some it had not
been. Finally, both assistant and associate professors' responses
contained some mention of feedback perceived as dishonest or
discrepant. These responses came primarily from associate professors
and from women more than men. The following comments serve as
examples of this point: "Even if more specific and honest, it
probably would not have made a difference since all decisions were
based on the personal agenda's (sic) of the power structure which
consisted of one man and his chosen few." "After my tenure was denied
I heard indirectly that some did not like my work--but I'd earlier
been told that these same individuals thought highly of me..." The
following are examples from associate professors: "The problem was an
increasing gap between the implications of the official feedback
(based on objective accomplishments) and the actual pattern of
rewards and punishments (based on the chair's sense that you loved
and appreciated him)." "The problem was mostly with the unofficial
feedback. For example, grad students often told me that their
advisors discouraged them from taking courses with me." "Feedback on
how I fared compared to college-wide colleagues was through the
grapevine rather than directly..." "Most details came from mentors.
My performance was stated in a positive manner for salary or negative
when I confronted an administrator who was very much out of line and
close to racial harassment!"
Tables 47 and 48 present categorizations of the few responses that
addressed the question pertaining to ways in which UIUC should help
lessen work-family conflict. Among assistant professors, comments
were made by both men and women, but among associate professors, it
was mainly women who commented. General comments about the need to
recognize and support family commitments were made by members of both
ranks. "Day care" also was mentioned by respondents at both ranks.
"Greater flexibility" was mentioned by several respondents. Fewer
comments related to maternity/family leave, economic support, more
TA/grader support, and the need for more spousal hiring. Several
assistant professors felt expectations are too high. Finally, several
associate professors made positive comments (i.e., praise for the
spousal hiring program, "UIUC is not bad in this regard", and "My
department was extremely supportive of family. We were all young,
bearing children, etc. We enjoy birthday parties for colleagues'
kids!").
Table 49 categorizes assistant professors' responses relative to how
the pre-tenure review and feedback could have been more useful. The
most frequent responses included: (a) that such a review and feedback
would be useful if it had been done, (b) that an earlier review or
more frequent reviews would be helpful, (c) more detail would help,
or (d) greater honesty or a less political process would be useful.
Representative comments from this last category include the
following. "From the committee ... . You are doing extremely well;
funding, teaching, research and publications. It is necessary that
you get along with the HEAD of the departmentÉ". "The claim was
frequently made to me the funding shouldn't matter, except in a
peripheral way--however, it clearly is very important, and I might
have been better off if someone had just said to me 'Look--the party
line is that funding does not matter, but in reality, if you don't
have cumulative funding in this general range, you probably won't get
tenure.' I don't expect a department to say that on paper, but people
informally told me the 'real' tenure expectation before I took my new
job (outside UIUC) and I greatly appreciated it; "Not clouded by all
the extraneous 'rumor-type' feedback that seemed to be in direct
contradiction of it."
Tables 50 and 51 detail the means and standard deviations of male and
female assistant professors' responses to the Riger, et al. (1997)
questionnaire on climate. These items, as analyzed, are all keyed so
that a high response (above the midpoint of 3.0) indicates the
respondent sees the treatment of males and females as equal, and a
low response indicates the individual disagrees that their treatment
is equal. For example, one item reads "Male faculty tend to get more
feedback about their performance than female faculty do." As
originally keyed, the responses of 5 would have meant "strongly
agree" that in this regard men and women are not treated equally. All
such scales were switched in direction so that the response of _5"
means strongly agree with an "equality" proposition.
On all items, the male assistant professors' mean is higher than the
females' mean, and on all but one, this difference is significant. On
most items, and on the mean of all items answered, the men's average
is above the midpoint of 3.0 while the female's mean is below the
midpoint. Thus, female and male assistant professors who responded
are quite divergent in the degree to which they view treatment of the
two groups as equal. On several items, the difference between the
means is at or near two scale points: "In meetings, people pay just
as much attention when female faculty speak," "Faculty are serious
about treating male and female faculty equally," and "Most faculty
would be as comfortable with a female chairperson as with a male
chairperson." The average of all items answered was 3.9 for men and
2.5 for women.
In general differences between male and female associate professors
were not as large, but for many items the male mean was similar to
that for assistant professors while the female mean was somewhat
higher for associates. All but three items yielded significant gender
differences in response, with the differences in the same direction
as those found between male and female assistant professors. The
means of all items answered were 4.0 for men, and 3.1 for women.
Tables 52 and 53 display information about the current positions held
by the assistant and associate professor groups. Of the assistant
professors, one in five men and one in four women were no longer
employed in higher education due either to retirement or to taking a
job in another industry. The remainder continued as librarians or
faculty members. While some of the associate professors had left
higher education either for a job in another sector or by retiring,
about half of each gender group had attained significant leadership
positions in higher education. Respondents included eight deans or
former deans, four holding chairs or named professorships, four
department executive officers, and three head librarians. Among those
still holding positions in higher education, there was no gender
difference in the proportion who held traditional professorial
positions (41.2% of men, 52.6% of women) when compared with these
other positions of leadership (chi-squared=.472, p=.492).
Tables 54 and 55 display the proportions of male and female associate
professors who indicated that their current job is tenured or tenure
track. About two-thirds of male (66.7%) and female (72.2%) assistant
professors were still tenured or on the tenure track, as were
approximately three-quarters of former associate professors (76.5% of
men and 81.8% of women). Neither of these gender differences was
significant.
Tables 56 and 57 provide information about the institutions that
currently employ these former UIUC assistant and associate
professors. At the time of the survey most male (83.3%) and female
(68.4%) assistant professors were employed at research universities,
as opposed to teaching institutions or non-higher education
organizations. The percentages of males and females employed by
research universities did not differ significantly
(chi-squared=1.321, p=.250). Of the associate professors, a most were
employed at research universities (82% of women and 88% of men). This
small gender difference was not tested for significance because of
several small expected cell frequencies.
The survey offered five general types of reasons for leaving UIUC,
and respondents were asked to comment about their applicability. The
reasons provided were economic, family, location/weather, tenure and
promotion requirements and "other". Although questions were designed
to capture adverse comparisons between UIUC and the other
institution, in a few cases, responses were clearly positive
statements about UIUC. Tables 58 and 59 show how many indicated that
a particular category was a factor in their leaving ("negative"), or
for a few respondents, was a positive feature about UIUC (headed
"positive"). Of the 21 women and 24 men who were assistant
professors, at least half responded to each category as a factor. For
men, family issues received a majority response (71%), with other
categories receiving comment from about one-half of the men. For
women, responses were more equally spread across the five categories,
with family, location, tenure/promotion requirements, and "other"
given as reasons for leaving by two-thirds to more than
three-quarters of those responding.
Among associate professors, about two-thirds of the men commented
about "economic issues", "location", and "other", while half to
two-thirds of the women made comments about_these same three issues.
Family was less an issue to many associate professors, with only 33%
of women and 42% of men commenting about this category. Promotion
requirements were important to only a few women (13%) and men (16%).
Associate professors made more positive comments about UIUC than did
assistant professors.
Tables 60 and 61 provide additional detail from those who indicated
that economic issues had been a concern. Among the assistant
professors, salary level was the primary concern, with 11 of 12 women
and 9 of 12 men indicating it was an important reason for leaving
UIUC. Still, several of these respondents, men as well as women,
indicated it was not the primary reason. A few others mentioned
benefits, small, compressed, or non-merit based increases, poor
opportunity for advancement, poor spousal opportunities, poor
research support, sex discrimination in salaries, and a small
community. As with assistant professors, the associates were
primarily concerned with salary level, as indicated by 14 of 16 women
and 11 of 14 men. Other responses were fairly equally distributed
among the same issues mentioned by assistant professors, with the
addition of several comments on the negative effects of budget cuts,
and the positive effect of a low cost of living in
Champaign-Urbana.
Tables 62 and 63 present family issues in more detail. For male
assistants, partner's job was the most frequently mentioned issue (10
of 17 men), while female assistants' responses were more diverse.
Nevertheless, the most frequent response (6 of 17 women) was
partner's job. "Partner located elsewhere" was an additional concern
for both sexes, as were "extended family", "self or family wanting to
live elsewhere", "seeing C-U as a poor community for kids", "singles'
isolation", and "supports at UIUC". The two negative comments about
support involved lack of on-campus child-care. The positive comment
cited a rollback. Fewer associate professors mentioned family issues,
and no single category received more than a few comments.
Tables 64 and 65 detail the geographic factors mentioned by assistant
and associate professors as reasons for leaving. Men's responses were
scattered over "remoteness", "distance from friends or family",
"smallness of the town", "recreational or cultural issues",
"scenery", "weather", and "unspecified related factors". For women
assistants, weather was surprisingly important, with 9 of 15
responses mentioning it negatively, while 3 mentioned its positive
aspects. "Scenery" and "distance from family or friends" also
received comment, as did "recreational or cultural
opportunities".
Among associate professors, one-third of the men mentioned the small
town as a negative, as did one-quarter of the women. "Scenery" was
more important to women than men, with seven women and no men
mentioning it. Remaining responses from both groups were dispersed
over "remoteness", "distance from family or friends", "unattractive
aspects of the Midwest", "recreational or cultural opportunities",
"weather", and "unspecified other factors".
Tables 66 and 67 contain more detailed responses that contributed to
the decision to leave UIUC and that pertained to promotion and tenure
issues. Six men and seven women (of 13 and 16, respectively)
indicated that the stringent standards or the pace or pressure were
an issue. Of these 13 comments, three explicitly stated that job
performance rather than research should be the major criterion for
librarians' promotion. Additional issues for men and women included
unclear expectations and unfair, political, or inconsistent
evaluation. A few women cited a lack of support from colleagues, and
one man mentioned racism. The response rate was much lower at the
associate professor level. Of the women, five of eight said they
retained their rank in the move, which was recorded as a positive
comment about UIUC. Several other women indicated they were promoted
faster elsewhere, as did several men. Only one person cited unfair,
political, or inconsistent evaluation, and two people indicated they
gave up tenure to move. These latter were also recorded as positive
comments about UIUC. In short, not very many of these associate
professors had any particular impetus to move because of promotion
issues.
Tables 68 and 69 present _other" reasons for leaving UIUC that were
listed by the former assistant and associate professors. Half of the
female assistant professors who responded indicated their colleagues'
characteristics were involved, and about one-third cited
administrative problems and climate issues. The first two categories
received comment from several men as well. The following are several
representative descriptions of difficulties with colleagues: "Greed
and self promotion of senior people"; " É very difficult to work
with, quite unprofessional, and prone to constant bickering"; and
"department offered no collegiality and no mentoring." Most comments
about administration involved the individual's department executive
officer or boss, in the case of the Library. Typical climate issues
included "large department where I didn't fit in"; "I never felt
welcome"; and "I never felt like I was accepted." Among the female
associate professors, "fit with research interest" or "departmental
quality" was the issue most commonly cited, and for male associates
"administrative" and "other" concerns were most common. Both men and
women included positive comments, indicating that leaving UIUC was
only to take an administrative advancement elsewhere. Finally,
several people at each level complained of sexism, racism, or
homophobia.
Tables 70 and 71 display responses concerning additional practices or
characteristics of UIUC that enhanced professional development and
productivity. Responses from both male and female assistant
professors included a "positive research environment". In addition
women also tended to praise specific research programs or support
services, such as the Library and availability of funds for travel.
This same pattern was evident in the responses by the associate
professors as well.
Tables 72 and 73 present more detailed responses pertaining to
"additional factors that hindered respondents' productivity at UIUC".
Almost two-thirds of the female assistants responding to this item
made negative comments about the administration, as did one-third of
the males. About a quarter of each group commented about colleagues.
About one-third of the female assistant professors felt they had
lacked various supports for teaching or research, while a quarter of
the men cited problems with workload. There were fewer negative
factors cited by the associate professors, and several positively
asserted that there had been no negative factors that hindered their
productivity. The negative responses were scattered among the same
issues cited by the assistant professors.
Tables 74 and 75 contain more detail pertaining to "other comments
about experiences at UIUC". Male and female assistant professors
cited both positive and negative experiences, and their responses
ranged across topics similar to those already mentioned in previous
questions. There were quite a few positive comments among associate
professors. In fact, the men's remarks were almost all positive.
Women, however, mentioned both positive and negative experiences,
again, similar in content to earlier responses.
Discussion
The large increase in number of women assistant professors hired is a
very positive sign of progress toward gender equity in hiring. From
the 1970s to the 1980s the percentage of doctorates earned by women
in the U.S. grew from 20.7% to 33.9% (Stephan and Kassis, 1997).
Thus, campus hiring at UIUC has reflected the growth of women in the
PhD pool. However, the small differences in tenure rates and in final
rank attained by women hired as assistant professor suggest
continuing difficulties in fully integrating women into the academic
workplace of the Urbana campus. Although there has been a small
difference in tenure rate favoring men that has been consistent over
the two time periods studied, there has been no consistent gender
difference in the retention of assistant professors. At the same
time, there is a consistent tendency for males to achieve higher
ranks than females who are hired initially as assistant professors.
In contrast, there is no such tendency among the associate professors
studied. The difference between the two professorial rank groups may
be due to the fact that of those assistants that are not retained at
UIUC, more women leave before getting tenure and promotion, while
more of the men leave after attaining the rank of associate or full
professor. We do not know how many of the unpromoted assistant
professors left because they had been informed their chances for
tenure were slim. If this is a primary reason for leaving before
tenure is awarded, the small difference in tenure rate noted above
could be an underestimate of the gender difference.
Retention of associate professors is about the same for men and
women. However, of tenured professors who leave, more women than men
are full professors. Of course, some of these losses, of both men and
women, are to administrative opportunities elsewhere. Whatever the
reasons for the loss, a tendency for female full professors to leave
UIUC more frequently than male full professors would tend to lower
the proportion of senior professors who are women compared to the
proportion of female junior faculty hired.
The follow-up survey was designed to probe reasons for loss of
faculty and to compare men's and women's perceptions of UIUC. The
respondents are a self-selected sample, and there is no reason to
extrapolate the results proportionally to all those who left.
Comparing the final ranks of the assistant professor respondents to
all those who left, it is clear that an almost identical proportion
of female respondents received tenure (5%) as did females who left
(7%), but for males, 32% of respondents had achieved tenure here
compared to 14% of all those who left. The differences between male
and female assistant professors' perceptions of UIUC could be colored
by their difference in tenure status, which also reflects a higher
rate of termination (i.e., final tenure code of 6 or T) of female
compared to male respondents.
Be that as it may, male and female assistant professors did not
differ much in their perceptions of support received for teaching or
research, or in their teaching, advising or committee loads. Men
judged their research productivity and its evaluation by the
department to be higher than did the women assistant professors,
which is consistent with their higher rate of achieving tenure. On
the other hand, women reported that the UIUC climate or work
environment hindered their productivity, while men, on the average,
did not.
Half to two-thirds of these assistant professors reported they had
had a mentor, and there were few differences between men and women in
the kinds of annual report and third year review feedback they
received. There were also few differences in their perceptions of its
usefulness. Unfortunately, usefulness of feedback was not highly
rated, and respondents reported receiving more feedback in their
current jobs than at UIUC. A fair number of both gender groups
described their department's help in understanding promotion and
tenure requirements as nil or poor.
Differences were striking between male and female assistant
professors' perceptions of the degree to which men and women are
treated equally at UIUC. On all of the questions on the Riger et al.
(1997) questionnaire, males' mean responses were higher than
females', which indicates that men perceived a greater degree of
equality. On several items, the male mean was above the midpoint of
the scale, while the women's mean was below it, thus indicating that
men on the average perceived a degree of equality, while women
perceived a degree of inequality.
If there are generalizations that can appropriately be drawn from
this small number of qualitative responses, they might be the
following: (1) It appears that some of the women assistant
professors, more than the men, never felt welcome at UIUC.
Interestingly, however, some men as well as women who left reported
cronyism, "old boy" power structures, and other such constellations
that can make progress and productivity difficult to achieve for
those outside the "in-group". (2) Positive aspects of UIUC are often
nested within statements describing negative circumstances. For
example, even in some comments regarding the rigors of tenure
standards, one derives a sense of the excitement and a stimulus of
the campus' focus on achievement. (3) A small number of faculty who
leave UIUC look back with little pleasure at their experiences here.
Serious problems were reported by more assistant than associate
professors. These include allegations of unprofessional behavior on
the part of colleagues or administrators, sexism, racism, and
homophobia. These reports are by their very nature one-sided, and the
self-selected nature of the group that responded more than likely
provides a disproportionally high number of such responses. Still, it
is discomforting to note that some former UIUC employees feel
justified in allegations of sexism, racism, homophobia, or simply
self-serving and unprofessional behavior on the part of their
colleagues and administrators. Although such comments were few in
number, their very nature underscores the continual need for cultural
diversity, fairness in procedures, care for development of junior
colleagues, and perhaps even greater concern for the climate of the
work place. The issue of climate applies to men and women and can
affect productivity of both.
The associate professor respondents appeared to be a "happier" lot.
Of course, all had been promoted and none had been terminated, so
they had "made it" within the UIUC system. Still the fact that almost
half of the women not retained had been full professors suggests that
the follow-up survey might be helpful in identifying some of the
factors involved. Male and female associate professors were quite
similar to the assistant professors in their reports pertaining to
the support they received for research and teaching and their
teaching, advising, and committee loads. However, a gender difference
did emerge in responses to questions about individual research
productivity and the department's evaluation of that research. Both
men and women rated their own productivity as well above average.
Women, but not men, reported a gap between their own productivity and
the department's evaluation of their research.
Both women and men reported having had mentors at UIUC, and there was
little difference in their remarks regarding annual report
requirements and feedback. Unlike the assistant professors, they
tended to find the feedback they received as useful relative to the
department's perception of their research. At the same time, however,
they were similar to the assistant professors in reporting that they
receive more feedback in their current positions. In addition, a few
female associate professors spoke of discrepant, dishonest, or
unknowledgeable feedback. These associate professors were employed at
UIUC in an earlier era, and so these comments may not be applicable
to current conditions. On the other hand, similar remarks were made
by some recent assistant professors, suggesting that the issue of
feedback is one on which this campus could improve.
Gender differences in response to the Riger et al. (1997)
questionnaire were not as stark among associate professors as they
were among assistant professors. On most items men endorsed an
average response suggesting more equal treatment of men and women
than did women. On most items, women tended toward answers near the
midpoint of the scale, indicating neutrality, while men more actively
endorsed a position suggesting a degree of equality. Thus, it seems
that these women who left did not, on the average, view the treatment
of men and women as strikingly unequal; however, they also tended not
to view it as equal.
Similar to the assistant professors, associates who left tended to
comment favorably on the research community at UIUC. Unlike the
younger group, they offered few descriptions of problems with
colleagues or the administration. For both men and women, the
additional comments about their experiences at UIUC tended to be
positive. Why then, did these senior professors leave? Many commented
on economic factors, especially salary level, as did the assistant
professor group. Some men and women left for advancement, and women,
especially, tended to leave for a department that better suited their
research interests.
An additional factor that could account for the loss of senior women
might be early retirement. The 1993 National Study of Post-secondary
Faculty found that new faculty in higher education in Fall 1992 were
about 42 years old, with no noticeable difference for men (42.3) and
women (41.8) (Finkelstein, Seal, and Schuster, 1998). On the other
hand, results from the same survey indicated that more full-time male
than female higher education faculty intended to work until at least
age 65 before retiring (57% vs. 44%, respectively) (Chronister,
Baldwin, and Conley, 1997). This difference could be a factor
influencing the lower proportion of women found at senior levels,
compared to the proportion found at lower levels. In short, if men
work more years than women, proportions of women would tend to be
smaller at higher professorial ranks.
Most assistant and associate professors who left UIUC found tenured
or tenure-track positions at other research universities. Among the
associates who remained in higher education, about half of the men
and women attained positions of leadership such as department
executive officer or dean. In this sense, perhaps UIUC served most of
these former faculty well.
In sum, the campus seems to lose a few more women than men prior to
tenure and also after the rank of full professor is achieved. Women
report a "chillier climate", at least as measured by the Riger et al.
(1997) questionnaire. Some female assistant professors feel
unwelcome, and some of their female colleagues at higher rank leave
for a "better fit". These descriptions suggest that retention of
female faculty by campus units may require a greater concern and
effort toward developing a better working climate.
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